Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The last phase of regionalisation in East Asia has been a new trial for Japan to re-define its position in the region. Meanwhile, the question of whether `regionalisation networks` can lead to `regional governance` in East Asia has also been raised.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: In the early 1980’s, the Soviet threat in Asia was publicized and Tokyo’s need to increase contribution to the U.S.-Japan alliance was emphasized. At that time, Japanese universities rushed to establishing International Relations departments. System level had an impact on the focus of teaching and research in Japanese universities. Even tough the field of International Relations holds both “low facilities” and “higher facilities” perspectives, what stands out lately in the study of International Relations in Japan is the one close to “higher facilities.” While 2007 marks 60th anniversary of atomic bombs devastated Horoshima and Nagasaki, “lower facilities” aspect of International Relations has not yet prevailed and been suppressed by “higher facilities” aspect. To make a situation worse, Japanese politics is about to give “higher facilities” aspect of International Relations another big push. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe recently set up an advisory panel which will study the issue of Japan’s right to collective self-defense. At the same time, he is moving toward revising Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution. The panel gathered by Prime Minister Abe consists of 13 members, mainly of people who support the concepts. It appears to be a rigged race with a foregone conclusion. Majority of the members is university professors. Generally professors believe that being chosen as a member of the government, it gives them prestige outside the universities and in turn gain more respect in the universities. Consciously or unconsciously, these professors are serving to make Abe’s wish come true. However, eventually they might regret what they had done was a political act which delimited political imagination and political transformation. By using Prime Minister Abe’s group as a case study, this paper sheds a light on the crisis of the Japanese universities today.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: I examine the role of Japan?s national economic identity as a foundation for its foreign economic policy towards Africa. From earlier research, it seems clear that Japanese officials and policy analysts believe that the Japanese development experience can provide important and relevant lessons to African countries. One lesson is the self-help perspective. Self-help refers to the recipient country?s ability and willingness to take responsibility for its economic problems and the initiative for their own development. Also, self-help implies reluctance for the Japanese government to directly involve itself in the domestic affairs of recipient countries. This largely explains Japan?s cautious stance towards conditionality. Moreover, at this time of Japan?s emerging ODA strategy, the government adhered to a ?request basis? position in which recipient countries first must request from the Japanese government for foreign aid. This principle embodies the idea that Japan will help only those countries that are willing to help themselves. A World Bank report noted that Japan tended to emphasize economic rather than social needs of a recipient country in applying the request-based assistance principle.Another lesson from Japan?s national identity targets its alternative view of economic development. The government pushed for its own economic policies that stood in contrast to other donor agencies or governments. In contrast to the views commonly referred to as the Washington Consensus, Japan relied on its own development experiences as a guide in assisting African countries. Its experiences suggest to the Japanese government that state administrative functions have a crucial role in the development process. In particular, the state role can facilitate needed economic production as it appeared to occur in Japan and other Asian countries. What the Japanese government has been promoting, in part, is the reduction of poverty through economic production instead of direct funding of poverty programs. From Japan?s perspective, this emphasis adheres to the concept of ownership. Ownership of the aid process has implied a relevant role for a ?developmental state;? in other words, that the state has a positive, facilitating role in the economy.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: After September 11, 2001, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has backed President George W. Bush?s efforts to fight against terrorism. The U.S.-Japan alliance has been strengthened by the close personal ties between Koizumi and Bush. The U.S.-Japan pact on military realignment reached on May 1, 2006 definitely takes alliance to new plane. It is regarded as an epoch-making agreement to integrate Japan?s Self Defense Forces more into U.S. military operations. It allows Tokyo to play a greater role in support of the U.S. forces beyond the scope of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. Based on this agreement, Japan plans to propose revising the 1978 U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation Guidelines. However, while Tokyo has been on good terms with Washington, Tokyo?s relations with Beijing and Seoul have hit a new low.This paper tries to examine Japan?s grand strategy in the 21st century by focusing on hard power and soft power as bases of Japan?s security policy. To do so, it tries to analyze Koizumi?s legacy on Japan?s security policy. During Koizumi Administration, Koizumi leaned toward pushing hard power security policy than soft power security policy. Considering Japan?s security policy during Koizumi?s Administration, this paper tries to consider if his legacy would be succeeded to Japan?s new leader, and how his legacy would influence the formation of Japan?s grand strategy and future of the U.S.-Japan alliance.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Between 1989 and 2000, Japan was the largest foreign aid donor in the world. Meanwhile, Japanese Official Development Assistance (ODA) had played a prominent role in Japan�s foreign policy. Yet public recognition of Japan�s ODA as a critical foreign policy tool seems low, and the effectiveness of this foreign policy is uncertain. Therefore, this paper analyzes Japan�s national interests and how Japan�s foreign aid attained its foreign policy goals. First, Japanese national interests will be examined by content analysis using white papers prepared by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Second, it surveys Japan�s foreign aid policy as a foreign policy tool. Third, this study attempts to assess if Japan�s national interests were achieved while Japan was one of the largest ODA donors in the world. Quantitative studies reveal whether Japan�s ODA provided positive impact on Japanese economic, diplomatic, and security interests. Finally, the research findings suggest how Japan should define and formulate its foreign aid policy as a foreign policy tool in the future.