Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This paper critiques the prevailing model of religious fundamentalism, which was first advanced in the Fundamentalism Project (1991-95). I draw on the writings of Mawlana Mawdudi and AyatollahKhomeini to argue that the model lacks utility.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The intention of this paper is to outline an explanation
for how the Ayatollah Khomeini was able to incite the Iranian society
prior to the 1979 Revolution given the absence of theatrics and
impassioned speeches. The Imam’s stoic words summoned something greater
in the Iranian culture. Theatrics and propaganda were not necessary.
Khomeini relied on the imagery of the Karbala, the symbols of martyrdom
and self-sacrifice that are central to Shi’ism. When Khomeini was
initially arrested in 1963 he used the Ashura to capture the attention
of the masses. On June 3rd, the 10th day of Muharram – the anniversary
of Husayn’s martyrdom, Khomeini spoke out against the despotic rule of
the Shah. The revolution became cast in a historic perspective, the
struggle of the Imams against their enemies and the events at Karbala.
In Karbala, Husayn stood in opposition to the tyrannical rule of Yazid
knowing it would mean his death. He preferred death to denouncing
Islam. This pious act of jihad showed Husayn’s unyielding commitment to
his faith in Allah. Khomeini’s rhetoric depicted the Shah as Yazid and
the Umayyads who martyred Husayn. The hatred for the old regime (Yazid)
that had been kept alive through ta’ziya (a “passion play” which allows
the audience to “relive” Husayn’s dramatic confrontation with evil and
his subsequent martyrdom) and marthiya (poetry) was now being directed
at the Shah. Generations had grown old wishing they could have been
beside Husayn at Karbala – the Iranian Revolution gave them the
opportunity. Keeping the memory of the martyrs of Karbala and Husayn
alive is seen as an act of Shi’a piety. Khomeini was well aware of the
importance of Husayn, thus he continued to emphasize the imagery of
Karbala in his speeches. The paper is a loosely structured
interpretation of how a leader of such significance and “charisma” was
reliant on the Shia’s eschatological hopes of triumph over tyranny and
injustice and final salvation. Hopes that are kept alive even in modern
times by the overwhelming prevalence of the ta’ziya and marthiya in the
Iranian culture. It is my hope that I show how the ta’ziya and marthiya
played a significant role in the 1979 Revolution and how Khomeini’s
reliance on the martyrdom of Husayn is unique as the first
politicalization of jihad in the modern world

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This study will attempt to answer the following question: How does Khomeini manage to revolutionize the political thought of Shi'iah on the issue of legitimacy without changing the basic pillars of the Shi'iah doctrine?

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The question of how Islamic religion interacts with sociopolitical modernity has been at the forefront of public and academic debates. At the level of public value systems and attitudes, the focus has been on whether Islamic beliefs foster anti-secular political worldviews. This paper investigates this and similar questions in the case of Iran. Particularly interesting is the evolution of religious beliefs under a theocratic regime. Are personal levels of Islamic faith associated with support for Islamic rule? Do religious people tend to be different in their sociopolitical attitudes then non-religious people? The paper provides a unique way to understand the linkages between religiosity, social and political attitudes by presenting survey evidence conducted by the author in Tehran in August 2003. The findings suggest that both religiosity and positive political attitudes towards the state make people more supportive of the Islamic rule. Religious citizens refrain from participating in Friday prayers as a reaction to their abuse by regime hardliners for political propaganda and are highly critical of the current political governance. However, the support for the Islamization of politics seems to have a cultural basis among religious citizens. Despite their discontent with the current political governance in Iran, religious people continue to prefer Islamic law and clergy to be central to politics. These findings indicate the importance of discussions of "Islamic democracy" for evaluating the prospects of political transformation in the Muslim World.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Inspired by a general reduction in previous levels of institutional and elite cohesion following the death of Ayatollah Khomeini, the Iranian polity has witnessed a flowering of reformist Shi'ite thought in recent years. In broad terms, this evolving discourse explores five primary themes: Islamic hermeneutics; the social and political role of intellectuals; the larger relationship between Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) and politics; the inter-related phenomena of rationality, modernity, and post-modernity; and the relationship between Islam on the one hand and civil society and democracy on the other. Each of these themes is articulated by one of a handful of reformist public intellectuals whose arguments appeal to a specific sector of the urban middle classes. In addition to important political consequences arising from this reformist discourse, there are bound to be long term ramification of the evolution of Shi'ite jurisprudence in general and for Shi'ism's relationship with politics in particular. Unpredictable, consequential political events notwithstanding, the current nature of the Shi'ite discourse points to its increasing moderation and tilt toward pluralism in the future.