Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: In this paper we develop a sequenced theory of the environmental treaty ratification behavior of nation-states, linking proximal causal explanations of institutionalism, constructivism and realism with historical and structural insights from world-systems theory. We test this theory an index of participation by 192 states in 16 environmental treaties through April, 1999 and three scales for participation in the Kyoto Protocol. There are four main findings. Numbers of NGOs in a nation positively influences participation in environmental treaties overall, but much less so nations� ratification or non-ratification of the Kyoto Protocol. Kaufmann et al.�s (2003) voice and accountability index is a better predictor of Kyoto behavior than overall patterns on environmental treaties. Third, and very significantly, our new index of the share of environmental foreign assistance received by a nation is among the best predictors of participation in the Kyoto Protocol. Finally, structural dependency of nations on one or relatively few export products directly and indirectly explained nearly sixty percent of the treaty ratification rates overall and a third of Kyoto ratification behavior. This suggests that the spread of institutions and values may not create a world with more adherents to environmental treaties. We may, in fact, be approaching an upper limit in the number of countries that will cooperate on international environmental issues since their willingness and ability to participate may be structurally constrained. On the other hand, if we embed greater development assistance and wealth redistribution mechanisms within environmental treaties, there may be greater interest from those on the bottom. We have apparently uncovered an important part of the structural roots of the civil society strength and democratic institutions that drive participation in international environmental regimes.

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Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: In the wake of the adoption of the Kyoto Protocol in 1997, the American and Canadian governments have taken different environmental policy paths—Canada has ratified the agreement while the United States has not. But while officially approving the emissions plan, the Canadian government has not acted on its aims and objectives. Meanwhile, the United States has supported other environmental agreements, such as the APEC Sydney Declaration for Climate Change, also signed by Canada. These redirections and evasions serve to rhetorically undermine and defocus the Kyoto initiatives. In both countries, approaches to climate change have been politically and rhetorically opportunistic. In light of the ambiguous defeat of Kyoto in Canada and the United States a political discourse has emerged that has adopted the term “Kyoto” as a rhetorical tool to describe poor environmental policy. Using the debate transcripts from the American House of Representatives and the Canadian House of Commons this interdisciplinary and international panel will investigate the rhetoric of Kyoto from three unique perspectives: that of a rhetorician, that of a political scientist, and that of a biologist.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Industrial actors cry ?impossible? or ?too expensive? about the possibility of adapting to regulations to mitigate climate change. Evidence from other global environmental problems suggests that the actual difficulty of adapting to international environmental regulations is often less than anticipated. Now that some states have begun the process of shifting their emissions in anticipation of the deadlines of the first Kyoto commitment period, what evidence do we have about how costly, or how difficult, reducing greenhouse gas emissions will be? An examination of voluntary greenhouse gas reduction activities and the initial evidence of existing carbon markets in the European Union, the United Kingdom, as well as an examination of the role of the voluntary Chicago Climate Exchange (with the recognition that the first actions undertaken are likely to be the easiest) will provide fodder for some preliminary speculation on how realistic concerns are about the cost and difficulty of beginning a reduction in greenhouse gas emissions.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: International politics has traditionally maintained human-centred politics. The central arguments contend the western tradition of humanism and universality of human being under the assumption of harmony of interest. Universality of human being is strongly embedded in a tradition of the study of international politics. Realism and liberalism, dominant traditions of international politics, has been matched with the western universality. Liberalism modelises western humanism as the universal model of human society. The liberal view of human society is strongly connected with harmony of interests despite plural needs of different states. Realism also assumes harmony of western universality although realists challenge the liberal arguments of humanism. Many realists deny a plurality of state behaviours and assume universality of western model of rational egoists: different states behave similarly with reference to self-help. The tradition of international politics is thus characterised by negation of plurality under the name of human politics, otherwise a strong belief of equivalence of human being (harmony of interests for liberalism and universality of egoistic rationality for realism). This is what Chantal Mouffe called ?post-political vision? that ignore the political aspect of politics. The political what she meant is an antagonistic nature of human relations while traditional international politics downplays this aspect. Instead, dominant approaches of international politics rely on the universality of humanity. They do not assume the possibility of non-western and non-human-centred approaches of international politics. Thus, traditional international politics has constructed the ideology of universal world. Considering a prospect for post-human international politics, this paper focuses on plurality of international politics. This paper especially assesses the Kyoto School and Post-Marxism as a prospect for post-human international politics. On the one hand, the Kyoto School was developed in the 1930s initiated by Nishida Kitaro, Miki Kiyoshi and others. The chief argument of the Kyoto School is the theory of world history in which the post-Western vision of world history and humanism. Post-Marxism, on the other hand, was inspired by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe in the 1980s and argues the political articulation of hegemony in antagonistic social relations. In both approaches, the key theme is the political, how to articulate pluralistic demands of human being rather than universalising it. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to articulate two different approaches of post-human vision of political theories and construct the possibility of post-human international politics. In other words, considering a move from human international politics to post-human international politics, this paper constructs a transformation from a universal world toward a pluriversal globe.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) was launched in Marrakech in 2001. Its main objective is to allow developed countries invest in carbon abatement projects in the most cost effective way. As of December 2007, 2960 CDM projects have been submitted to