Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The central research question in this paper is to investigate the sequence of economic development and democracy in the process of democratization of developing countries. Basically, at least, there are five theoretical models arguing the issue of the priority of development and democracy: First, modernizationists, such as Seymour Lipset, argue that economic growth would lead to democracy, so that “development first, democracy later.” Second, however, Samuel Huntington proposes an alternative explanation of democratization from the perspective of “process” arguing that the outcome of economic development would lead to political decay; then the political system under instability would move toward democracy after institutionalization. Third, in contrast to modernization theory, scholars, who support “democracy first, development later,” such as Joseph Siegle, Michael Weinstein, and Morton Halperin, argue that democracies consistently outperform non-democracies on most indicators of economic and social well-being, so that promoting democracy should be prior to expanding economic development in developing nations. Forth, some scholars, such as Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi, argue that although politics indeed influences economic performance, the impact of regime type might not be significant on states’ economic growth; and people do not know whether democracy improves or limits economic development. Fifth, Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and George Downs find that in the case of China, the result of economic development would not lead to democracy because authoritarian regimes and autocracies around the world show people that they can enjoy the benefits of economic development on the one hand and avoid political liberalization on the other. Their finding runs counter to the argument of modernizationists that democracy is the necessary result of economic development.
After reviewing these five models above, this paper would not have any inclination of supporting any specific theoretical position but attempts to point out that the controversy over the priority of development and democracy should depend on particular cases. In other words, in some cases development leads to democracy: South Korea and Taiwan; in others, democracy is prior to development: India, Dominican Republic, and Mozambique. In addition, this study would attempt to pre-hypothesize that the shift of the international system—from the Cold War to the post-Cold War—is the key to influence the debate of development and democracy: “development first, democracy later” in the era of the Cold War; then “democracy first, development later” under the period of the third wave of global democratization, the post-Cold War, and Anti-terrorism War. Finally, according to these debates above, what would be the implication of American foreign policy of promoting democracy in the world? To the underdevelopment world, should the U.S. assist to develop economy first or to improve democracy first? Or should the U.S. do these two simultaneously?

Publication Type: Symposium Paper
Abstract: The Natrona County School District #1, in Casper, Wyoming, requested an external review of data use in the Fall of 2006. Researchers from the University of Texas at Austin were selected to conduct a study and generate recommendations. The team finalized and submitted a report of findings and recommendations for system improvement in August, 2007. Since then, NCSD personnel have charted a course that initially included distributing the report, holding focus groups to generate standards and a policy, and begun a data system software replacement process. When UCEA 2008 convenes, NCSD will have had the report for one year. This paper reports on the actions taken by NCSD personnel over this year toward becoming a data-informed district.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This study uses data from the 1992 Health and Retirement Study (N=6,665) to examine how later life characteristics are related to marital quality. Older adults may experience a variety of life course transitions, such as retirement, transitioning to an empty nest, and intergenerational exchanges and caregiving for grandchildren or parents; further, the relationship between these later life transitions and marital quality may depend on one’s race-ethnicity and gender. Results show that marital quality in later life appears relatively stable. Economic factors, employment status, and caregiving are not related to marital quality among older adults. However, the presence of children in the household is notable; older adults without children in their households have higher marital quality. Finally, results show that the relationship between later life characteristics and marital quality does appear to depend on both gender and race-ethnicity, suggesting the importance of a focus on variation in older adults’ marital quality.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: In waging its Global War on Terror, U.S. pursuit of conventional combat operations in Iraq and Afghanistan is not really a strategy which will eliminate transnational Islamic militant terrorism. This paper argues that the enemy which poses the gravest threat to the U.S. in the future is the transnational Islamic militant who is driven by ideology. In order to eliminate this threat, the U.S. needs to focus its future efforts in the broader global war against terrorism toward the enemy’s center of gravity, which is its recruiting base. This paper takes a liberal institutionalist approach and argues that the U.S. should use a softer multi-lateral approach toward future operations. The U.S. should consider leading the creation of a new multi-national organization under the auspices of the United Nations. This organization would be focused on taking initiatives that would pre-empt the ability of transnational Islamic militant organizations to recruit new members into their ideological fold. This paper attempts to build on the writings of Andrew Krepenevich, who has argued in favor of an "oil spot strategy" for securing Iraq, Robert Perito, who argues in favor of establishing a sustainable security force to operate in post-conflict environments, and Chandra Leka Sriram and Karen Wermester, who have argued n favor of strengthening the capacity of the United Nations system and its family of agencies in the goal of conflict prevention.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Truman State University began
assessing student learning in 1973. Through a combination of talented
leadership and assessment, Truman State transformed itself from a
regional comprehensive university to a nationally recognized, liberal
arts and sciences university serving high ability students. In this
paper, a brief overview of the university's transformation will be
followed by a discussion of three enduring challenges campuses must
successfully tackle if they are to create assessment programs that go
beyond compliance efforts. First, a university must reach agreement on
what its goals are. Second, the university must grapple with multiple
views of the purposes of assessment and of appropriate measures for
each of those purposes. And finally, the university must establish a
culture that supports assessment, which requires the development of
processes for faculty and student involvement and significant use of
the data. Progress on these three challenges is likely to be uneven and
incomplete. Even following tremendous successes, a university must
continue to nurture its assessment culture. The assessment experience
at Truman State confirms that assessment can be a useful tool for
improving student learning and institutional effectiveness.