Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Western European countries differ according to the ways in which they organize local government, not least in the manner in which mayors are selected, in the mayors� statutory positions and responsibilities, and the institutional relations between the council and the mayor/executive board. The institutional arrangements have been modified in several countries. Focal question in the paper is whether the institutional reforms have resulted in a revitalization of local politics and democracy.

A first measure to revitalize local politics is a separation of local political powers. In Germany, the UK, Italy, and the Netherlands powers of the council as the representation of the citizenry at the one hand, and the Mayor or the Executive Board at the other, have been separated. They now both have their more or less exclusive statutory powers, tasks and responsibilities, in some cases resulting from the introduction of directly elected mayors. Question then is, whether these policies lead to a revitalization of local politics.

Secondly, in a number of Western European countries governments have introduced direct elections for the mayor�s office. Despite differences between countries, in all cases the assumption is, that direct mayoral elections do make a difference and that directly elected mayors will appear to be strong leaders. Question, however is to what extent is mayoral performance affected by selection procedures and the statutory position of the mayoral office? The results of a number of comparative empirical studies will be presented in the paper. It will become clear that there are huge differences in mayoral performance. Several factors influencing that performance will be identified. The most important conclusion is that mayoral selection procedures and statutory positions do affect mayoral performance, although not as much as expected. Other factors are at stake.

Publication Type: Works in Progress
Abstract: In contrast to the conventional arguments that globalization is a homogenization process that will eventually eliminate national boundaries and local cultural differences, or that localization is a fundamentalist process that �re-acts� to globalization, the rise of Taiwanese cultural identity since the late 1980s are constructed by both the globalization and localization efforts on the island.

The limitations and possibilities to develop a Taiwanese cultural identity based on heterogeneity are indicated through 1) the global and local brand�s interpretations of Taiwan�s local identity; and 2) the social implications of cultural hybridity in Taiwanese advertising of both the global and local brands. The analysis of the operation of cultural hybridity in the narrative structure of these commercials then see how the modern local identity are re-invented through re-organizing the signs of gender, ethnicity, class, the foreign, and the local, in which new meanings can be produced and specific social changes of gender relations are signified.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Purpose: This paper examines the effects of different
patterns of central-local relations on institutional performance in
Uganda following decentralization. Using OLS regression techniques and
qualitative data analysis of data from 45 local governments and three
case study districts in Uganda, I find that central-local relations do
matter for successful local government performance. Theory:
Decentralization policies have recently been adopted by many
governments throughout the developing world. Proponents of
decentralization appear optimistic about its impact on both development
and democracy at the local level. The current emphasis on
decentralization in Africa appears to be a hopeful response to the
failures of the centralized political systems adopted by African
countries shortly after independence. Yet, it remains unclear whether
the performance of local governments in Africa, which tend to be
inadequately funded and often politically marginalized, will be better
than that of central governments.
This paper attempts to explain variation in local government
performance in the case of Uganda. Uganda provides an excellent case in
which to explore these issues given its recent adoption of a
comprehensive decentralization policy. Much of the literature focuses
on societal factors to explain variation in institutional performance
with scholars focusing on levels of public participation or the depth
and vibrancy of civil society and levels of social capital (Putnam
1993; Crook and Manor 1995, 1998). In contrast, I examine the important
ways in which central-local relations—conceptualized as both political
and administrative linkages between central and local governments—may
influence or even undermine the ability of local governments to perform
their new roles following decentralization. While decentralization
formally alters the relationship between central and local governments,
relations between these two levels of government may change little, if
at all. Central-local relations in Africa are complicated by the
continued political importance
of patronage and clientelism as a way of securing support. Given
Africa’s history of political centralization and the importance of
clientelism, the extent to which local governments are truly empowered
by decentralization reforms remains an empirical question. Central
governments continue to play a key role in local politics even after
decentralization and certainly have plenty of skills and experience to
transfer to local governments in the form of critical instruction (see
Tendler 1997). Yet, evidence presented in this paper suggests that
critical instruction is less common than efforts by the center to exert
political control over local governments often informally through the
distribution of resources. Results of this study reveal that
central-local relations do affect institutional performance. Political
linkages between the center and Uganda’s districts influence the
performance of district councils in sometimes unexpected ways.
Methods: I use several methods to explain variation in institutional
performance. First, I conduct OLS regression across 45 local
governments in Uganda. Second, I analyze material from three Ugandan
case study districts. The case study material combines quantitative and
qualitative data gathered from a survey of local residents, interviews
with local government officials and archival research in each
district.

Publication Type: Abstract
Abstract: Local food has become the rising star of the sustainable agriculture movement, but the link between locality and sustainability is often taken for granted. It is widely assumed that local foods require less energy because of the shorter distances traveled, but the methodological framework currently used to assess this question contains several flaws which obscure the relationship between food transportation and energy use. In this essay I critique four major assumptions underlying the presumed sustainability of local foods, then describe two competing conclusions that one might draw. It may be that local food systems simply need a more extensive and integrated transportation infrastructure to achieve sustainability. On the other hand, the production, transportation, and consumption of local foods are no less reliant upon society�s fossil-fueled industrial infrastructure than that of long distance foods. Local foods carry many benefits, but an exemption from industrialism is not one of them.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The idea of solving locally a global problem has often been associated with the environmental movement. However, as developing countries look towards the first checkpoint in the Millennium Development Goals, there is a growing contingency of sustainable development advocates that are pointing to local solutions as the most successful economic policies. In the aftermath of Yunus and Grameen’s triumphs, governments have been exploring welfare policy alternatives that center on direct and conditional cash transfers and linking them to individual social development goals. The Brazilian government, under the leadership of President Lula da Silva and former president Cardoso, pioneered the Bolsa Familia program whereby families are given small stipends for vaccinating children and sending them to school. World Bank President Wolfowitz has lauded Brazil and Bolsa Familia for helping to improve the conditions for twelve million citizens and for becoming “a highly praised model of effective social policy.” (World Bank Group, 2005) Since the implementation of Bolsa Familia, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Honduras have launched similar programs. First, a comparative content analysis of program structure and goals will be discussed. Second, this paper seeks to evaluate the impact of these recent programs using a version of the Bolsa Familia impact study design provided by the World Bank Group (World Bank Group, 2005). The original study design examined ten different dependent variables based on outcome impacts, including nutrition, household consumption goods, and education. For the examination of Mexico, Nicaragua, and Honduras, only the variables related to education was used, including attendance, enrollment, and child labor. The goal of this paper is to provide a critical analysis of effective local input economic programs and, hopefully, to help identify a general model of local social development by governments.