Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Scholars and policy-makers have advanced a number of solutions and preventive strategies in order to achieve peaceful resolution of civil conflicts. Numerous studies focus on the causes of civil conflict and the effectiveness of intervention during the course of hostilities in recent years. However, the relationship between state-building and conflict recurrence has not received much attention, despite its relevance to state-building in the 21st century. An examination of state-building during the second half of the twentieth century reveals its combination of military, economic, social, and political methods, and short- and long-term goals. In this paper, I examine the impact of state-building activities on the durability of peace following the conclusion of violent civil conflicts after World War II. For this purpose, I employ survival analysis, using a continuous measure of the duration of peace as the dependent variable. My findings demonstrate that social and political state-building efforts are vital complements to their military and governmental counterparts, and that only those activities with long-term capacity-building goals succeed in preventing the recurrence of violent conflict.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This paper presents some midterm research outcomes or policy recommendations of a three-year project of the National Institute of Environmental Studies (NIES) to envision a long-term target for Japan and the rest of the world. An attendant objective of this paper is to evaluate some efforts to attempt to help articulate a long-term target for the reduction of greenhouse gases (GHGs) beyond the first commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol (beyond 2012) especially referring to EU?s efforts.The first part of this collaborative paper will present a theoretical framework about how to look into the future international political changes aiming at setting up the parameter within which concrete policy proposals for the reduction of GHGs will be articulated. Having given the theoretical framework consisted of three major outlooks of the world--?protective regionalism,? ?globalism,? and ?global communitarianism?--, the paper will try to identify each outlook?s domestic and international policy options relating to global climate change, such as energy and industrial policies. Then, the rest of the paper will elaborate how to share the burden of reducing GHGs especially among Annex-I countries and the rest of the world, while attending to enunciating robust and feasible criteria for the allocation of long-term targets.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Market based education providers may employ unique organization types sharply distinct from traditional public bureaucracies. Excluding highly individualized “mom and pop” micro-providers, we outline the key characteristics of four market based models of schooling ranging from least to greatest on a continuum of goal and practice integration: networks, corporations, cooperatives, and clans. Aside from internal integration, the four types can be distinguished by their profit or non-profit status, their internal incentives and governance, their capacity for expansion, their capacity for innovation, and most importantly, their performance. We explore these through brief case studies of the Core Knowledge Foundation, the Coalition of Essential Schools, Edison, K-12, Edvisions, the Charter School of Sedona, the KIP academies, and North Star. The Charter School of Sedona, which exists in a state where money follows parent enrollment decisions and which has taken a large share of a small market, has influenced practices at local district schools. Seemingly, the other providers have had less influence, for reasons we explore. Finally, we outline the long term prospects for these new providers to have significant impacts on public education. Clans like KIPP and North Star offer the most successful schools; yet their very quality control limits rapid expansion. Cooperatives like Edvisions and the Charter School of Sedona also succeed educationally, but their very novelty makes them difficult for public policy-makers to embrace. While businesses like Edison and K-12 can expand rapidly and thus push existing school system bureaucracies to improve, their educational success is mixed.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Over half of state and federal prisoners are parents of minor children, and nearly all of these parents are men (Mumola 2000). Prior research indicates that released prisoners who assume traditional family roles, such as spouse or parent, have smoother reentry transitions and tend to have more positive outcomes after release (Hairston, 2002; Sampson and Laub, 1993; Uggen et al. 2004). Less is known, however, about how assuming the role of father may positively or negatively affect the transition home, nor how an active fatherhood role may influence life aspects that are important to successful reintegration, such as employment, mental health issues, and abstinence from substance abuse and criminal activity.
To shed some light on these issues, this paper employs data from the Returning Home study generated from pre- and post-release interviews with 665 men returning to Cleveland, Ohio and Houston, Texas. Multivariate regression analyses will explore how attachment to minor children after release from prison affects intermediate and long-term post-release outcomes, such as employment, mental health issues, substance use, and criminal activity. We will also explore differential outcomes between the men who are fathers and those who are not.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Civil war studies have shown that power sharing is a most effective institutional mechanism for negotiated settlements to intrastate wars and for durable peace after the conflict. However, maintaining peace through power sharing has not necessary led to successful post-civil war democratization. Out of 77 countries that experienced at least one civil war onset between 1945 and 2004, only 9 countries can be classified as successful cases of post-war democracy building that have not backslid into authoritarianism within 10 years after the transition to democracy. This paper thus explores the causes of the success or failure of post-civil war democratization. In particular, it examines how institutional design after civil war shapes the path toward short-term peacemaking and long-term prospects for establishing democratic governance in deeply divided societies. I propose a theory of trade-offs between ending civil wars immediately through rigid power sharing and increasing chances for post-war democratization through democratically adaptable institutional design. Short-term benefits from peacemaking and long-term interests in democracy building do not always correspond to each other and in fact often conflict, depending upon the time horizons held by key actors involved in institutional design at the time of ceasefire. Rigid power sharing is more likely to maintain the stability of post-conflict political regime but locks in many political problems to be resolved during post-conflict reconstruction, thereby being less likely to lead to democracy in the long run. Thus, the paradox of institution building occurs when key actors stick to a short-term solution in the processes of peacemaking and democracy building after civil war. Using discrete time duration models, I test this theoretical expectation with newly collected data on post-civil war political institutions and democratic transitions in countries emerging from the deadly conflict in 1945-2004.