Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: I introduce two continuous measures of subculture membership (ideological embeddedness and behavioral-relational involvement), and use them to examine the relationship between membership in the jamband subculture and the affective meanings (evaluation, potency, and activity) associated with ten identities that are relevant to that subculture. I advance three hypotheses. First, I expect the continuous measures of membership to be stronger predictors of meanings than a dichotomous measure. Second, I predict that ideological embeddedness mediates the relationship between involvement and meanings. Third, I hypothesize that continuous membership is related positively to the evaluation and potency of subculture identities (a deadhead, a hippie, a phishhead, a raver, a stoner, a tourrat, a vendor), and related negatively to the evaluation and potency of authority identities (a capitalist, a nark, a police officer). Using data from self-administered surveys (N = 352), I find that continuous measures of membership provide more predictive power than a dichotomous measure. Also, I find that embeddedness mediates the relationship between involvement and six identity meanings. Finally, I find that continuous membership is related positively to the seven subculture identities and related negatively to the three authority identities.

Supporting Publications:
Supporting Document
Supporting Document
Supporting Document
Supporting Document
Supporting Document

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This paper uses cross-national survey evidence to examine changing levels of paticipation within political parties in established and new European democracies. Have activity patterns changed as memberships have shrunk?

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Recent theoretical work related to metropolitan governance and regionalism has emphasized the importance of networks in fostering collaboration among local governments (Feiock, 2007; Thurmaier and Wood, 2002; Savitch and Vogel, 2000; Frederickson, 1999). Yet, empirical research has failed to examine the effect of network participation on cooperation. Does local government participation in regional networks increase the likelihood of interlocal service delivery? Multivariate analysis is used to predict the influence of participation in regional networks on interlocal service delivery in the Detroit Metropolitan area. Two types of network participation are tested: membership in the region’s Council of Government (COG), and membership in a smaller, nonprofit “community conference.” Findings indicate that membership in the latter increases the likelihood of interlocal service delivery in four of the six public services examined, after controlling for a range of economic and demographic characteristics of the jurisdiction. Membership in the region’s COG, however, has no effect on interlocal service delivery. This finding has several important implications for metropolitan governance. Networks matter, but they are not all equally effective in promoting cooperation; variations in network size and structure produce differences in cooperation outcomes. Findings further suggest a need to look closer at institutional alternatives to councils of government.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Women who participate in mixed-gender, anti-feminist movements face unique challenges when they make the decision to mobilize alongside their male counterparts on behalf of these types of causes. Using 23, in-depth interviews with women involved in the American fathers’ rights movement—which is aiming to reform child custody and child support laws in ways that are more favorable to men and less favorable to women—this paper argues that anti-feminist activism has the potential to produce high levels of tension for female participants between their various social identities and their collective movement identity. Indeed, approximately half of these women elaborate on how two particular manifestations of their social identities—as members of feminist groups and simply as women—clash with the collective identity generated by the fathers’ rights movement. However, these women also coped with these competing allegiances in a variety of proactive ways, tentatively laying the groundwork for organizational change within their anti-feminist movement.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Previous studies have shown that participation in voluntary associations, including those labeled as “nonpolitical,” increases political participation. Using data gathered from 2,517 in-person interviews for the American Citizen Participation Study, we complicate this understanding by exploring the relationship between involvement in voluntary associations and political activity, in a more nuanced manner -- separating association involvements according to the level of exposure to political topics and dialogue, even within otherwise nonpolitical organizations. We find that the extent to which involvement in voluntary associations predicts political participation is dependent upon the level of political discussion and activity that transpires within these organizations. In order for social participation in voluntary associations to lead to increases in political participation, participants must have exposure to and involvement in political dialogue. It is not the generic act of participation that supports political life, but rather the opportunity to engage with politics, that serves as an impetus for political activity. While others foreground the fact that such communication can happen even in nonpolitical organizations, this research highlights the many cases in which these political interactions are not happening. In light of this, we offer a critical exploration of the potential impact of existing federal tax policies that, in effect, offer nonprofit organizations disincentives for political activity.