Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The interest in a nuclear weapons free world is growing every day, and at the same missile defense is more and more accepted. But the relationship between both concepts seems to be neglected in the literature.T his paper aims to analyze the interaction of missile defense and nuclear elimination. It starts with describing what the current wave of abolitionists (starting with Kissinger & co op-ed in January 2007) have to say on missile defense, and categorize them in five groups. In a second part, a more systematic analysis is provided of this relationship in the past, present, and future.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Ethnic conflict resolution and human rights activities pursue similar goals: to end violence and limit suffering and the loss of lives in the short run and to establish stability, peaceful co-existence, and respect for human rights in the long run. However, to achieve these goals, conflict resolution and human rights approaches use different sets of theories, methods, and practices that reflect the underlying assumptions of each community. Against this background, the paper focuses on analyzing the two approaches and on elaborating the best ways to combine differences and take advantage of similarities.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Given the global discursive dominance of the U.S. model of gay identity and gay identity politics, and the uneven development of societies, an emergent gap between the �global gay style� and the indigenous homoerotic way has become noticeable in many societies. Complicated by history, culture, class, and desire, this gap leads to what Alison Murray calls �mutual incomprehension� between the two parties. This paper examines and critiques the ways in which some intellectual works have contributed to this mutual incomprehension. To move around and beyond it, I argue, requires theoretical and political attention to the cultural specificity of the indigenous consciousness.
In this regard, I contend, the notion of tongzhi politics developed by Chou Wah-Shan proposes a culturally sensitive perspective to make sense of certain indigenous modes of homoerotic politics and to assess their practical and political efficacy. Drawing upon and refining Chou�s tongzhi politics, I apply it to a set of discourses surrounding the alleged but never verified homosexual scandal of Mao Ning, a popular Chinese male singer. It will become clear: 1) that tongzhi politics may actually operate alongside the �global gay style,� and 2) the combined use of both politics as hermeneutic guide yields fuller comprehension of the conditions in question and possibilities in making. At its best, the advancement of tongzhi politics relativizes the �global gay style;� that is, the �global gay style� is indeed neither global nor universal, but culturally and historically specific.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: In his 2000 Stephen Krasner claimed that “the methodological divide that separates political science and international law is not likely to be bridged.” This paper presents a concrete example, in which the application of a configurative model developed in the political science context to a problem of international law leads to ‘better’ results. The subject of this study is the effort of international organizations to ensure human rights standards and accountability of local de facto authorities (e.g. the self-proclaimed government of Abkhazia, the Palestinian National Authority, Taiwan). Worldwide 17 cases of quasi-independent governance can be identified since 1990. A legal analysis of the human rights obligations of de facto authorities inevitably remains inconclusive, due to the significant variation of state practice. At the same time a substantial body of the legal literature argues that non-state actors exercising effective authority are under an obligation to comply with international standards. This discrepancy can be explained by employing social science methods. In the paper I will use a 2-level configurative model applying fuzzy sets, to identify and value the supra- and substructural factors, which influence the observed variation on the outcome. By looking into causation as social scientists do, rather than focusing on interpreting the outcome only, a new perspective emerges. The above-mentioned variation is not the evidence for the absence of law, but it reveals the political circumstances that hinder or promote demands for compliance with international standards.

Publication Type: Paper (prepared oral presentation)
Abstract: Social sciences offer different approaches to explain how the other is perceived: with trust or mistrust, with openness or hostility, as a friend or a foe. Sociology focuses on parameters of social stratification like income, education but also belonging to specific cultural groups determined by religion or ethnicity. Political science also uses these approaches, however, it focuses additionally on geopolitical parameters as well as on power structures (also a sociological topic) and system parameters. Psychology uses concepts like well being, self concept in different areas, and personally traits like authoritarianism, anxiety and the like to explain the probability of friendly or hostile perception of others. In this paper some of the concepts mentioned are tested against each other, based on a longitudinal study with Jewish Israeli adolescents and Palestinian youngsters from the West Bank conducted between April 1998 and 2001. Social status, well being, self concept, general hostility, anxiety etc. measured before the outbreak of the so called Al-Aksa-Intifada are used as predictors for trust and mistrust afterwards. Findings show that hostility is predicted by different parameters than trust or goodwill. And the structure of prediction also differs widely between the two groups. While among the Israeli youngsters at least at the level of bivariate correlation there is some connection between socio-economic status and attitude towards the Palestinians we do not find this in the Palestinian sample. This difference also holds on the level of regression. However, the strongest predictors are feelings of life threat.