Publication Type: Poster
Abstract: It has been noted in the political science literature that small states and island states (many are both of course) are more likely to be democratic than larger states and non-island states. A parallel argument exists regarding militarization, namely that states with more neighbours defined as border countries (and thus, potentially, more hostile neighbours) are more likely to maintain large(r) armed forces. Of course, there is a linkage between these two arguments, in that militarization (size of armed forces per population) relates negatively to level of democracy. Finally, one can observe a contagion or neighbour effect in terms of political regimes, in that democracies tend to be surrounded by other democracies, and autocracies tend to be surrounded by other autocracies.This paper seeks to assess globally these various points by empirically testing the following relationships: (1) island states (those without neighbours) being more democratic (in terms of Freedom House scores) than all other states; (2) island states having smaller militaries (per 1000 population) than all other states; (3) the relationship between national level of democracy and the total number of neighbouring countries; (4) the relationship between national militarization and the total number of neighbouring countries; (5) the relationship between national level of democracy and the weighted level of democracy of neighbouring countries; (6) the relationship between national level of democracy and the weighted militarization of neighbouring countries; and (7) the relationship between national militarization and the weighted militarization of neighbouring countries. Neighbouring countries are weighted by the percentage share of a country’s total land borders — thus a more precise assessment of their contagion effects. For example, Slovakia’s border with Hungary is much longer than its border with Ukraine, so Hungary is assumed to be a more influential neighbour in terms of Slovakia’s levels of democracy and militarization. Finally, for the last three hypothesized relationships, key outliers will be noted and commented on. All of these relationships will be tested both with current data and with 1985 data, to see whether patterns were any different back in the Cold War era.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Major risks emanating from chemical plants, oil refineries and ports as major centres for the import and export of hazardous materials threaten some neighbourhoods. This paper explores the methods of control that are exerted on these “dangerous neighbours”, the major industry and port infrastructure that abuts residential dwellings in suburbs of Melbourne and Sydney. The paper explores three forms of control: from the regulator, from the residents and through the risk management demands of insurers. In each case, there are competing imperatives that result from the presence of such neighbours with their potential for creating considerable human tragedy and environmental destruction on the one hand yet also providing employment, more general economic benefits and the production of goods intrinsic to modern life on the other. These imperatives mean that the various actors cannot act with a single purpose of reducing the risks posed by sites but must temper their concern with recognition of the loss of benefits that arise when industry leaves the neighbourhood. The paper compares the way these divergent imperatives have led to different configurations of control at different sites.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The registers of Cairo’s shari‘ah court record that on 3rd November 1647, a man called Ahmed was evicted from the Salibat Tulun neighbourhood of Cairo, at the request of prominent local residents. He was accused of various misdeeds, including drinking wine, gathering unrelated men and women at his house, not attending mosque, and playing flute and drums. This is an example of a legal procedure – the petition to evict an immoral neighbour – that was used frequently across the Ottoman Empire.

This procedure is striking in terms of both the evidence presented and the substance of the charges. Under the shari‘ah, testimony must be first-hand and specific. A witness must assert that he or she saw a specific person commit a specific act at a specific place and time. In Ahmed’s case, however, the testimony presented met neither of these requirements. Ahmed was accused of a pattern of behaviour rather than a specific act, and many of the witnesses stated that he was “known” to behave in these ways, not that they had seen him do so. Effectively, the witnesses testified to his reputation. The charges made against Ahmed included acts that were formally illegal (i.e. wine-drinking), but also those that simply violated social expectations (i.e. playing drums).

My paper examines this procedure through a study of Ahmed’s case along with several other examples drawn from the court records of 17th-century Cairo. I ask who in the community had the authority to establish reputations, and to set social expectations.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This paper presents a new model for relations between the EU and its Mediterranean neighbours. It argues that, against the background of the growing challenges of the European Neighbourhood Space, there is a need to think about a new model for relations between the Mediterranean Neighbourhood Partner States and the EU. The model should enable a significant upgrade of the political and security relations, as well as those in the economic, research, cultural and social/human fields. The paper departs from the assumption that the time has come to implement the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) and European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) principles and ideas and to accelerate the discussions on the development of a new strategic model. Drawing on the ENP experience, the paper proposes the creation of what it calls the ‘Privileged Union’ Model. The paper will present and discuss this new model, and will further present common tools needed to confront political, social and security challenges in the European Neighbourhood Space. The paper will also present the various programmes and agencies that could be open to all Mediterranean ‘Privileged Union’ Member States.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This paper explores an important dimension of political, social and economic relations between Cuba and its Caribbean neighbours, namely cooperation in the area of human development, specifically in health and education since the 1970s. It traces the evolution and the scope of this cooperation and emphasizes the considerable benefits that have been generated by this South-South development cooperation. It also seeks to analyze some disadvantages in the way the relationship has evolved and to suggest some policy priorities for the states and societies involved.