Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Recent scholarship has highlighted a disconnect between “mainstream” political science and the study of urban politics in the United States. This paper suggests that Canadian urban political science suffers — doubly — from similar pathologies. This situation might be characterized, tongue-in-cheek, as one “black hole” orbiting another. As part of a larger project reviewing the state of Canadian urban political science, we evaluate the Canadian discipline in comparison to its American counterpart, positing and appraising various hypotheses that may explain the relative marginality of the (sub)field. Three explanations are advanced:_x000d_(1) Institutional: Canadian urban political science is marginalized not because there are too few interested scholars — as could be argued in the American case — but rather because interested faculty are so thinly dispersed across university departments. _x000d_(2) Epistemological: Unlike the US experience, students of Canadian politics, and especially federalism scholars, have been predisposed to ignore local government and urban politics. _x000d_(3) Ontological: Canadian cities are fundamentally different from American cities in important respects — though this may be changing.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Since the 1990s, China has reoriented social sciences toward the goal of national development, under which academic publishing is seen as an instrument of enhancing national prestige. This has facilitated the wide adoption of quantitative academic evaluations based on counting publications in a few recognized academic journals. This pervasive top-down practice not only sets the priorities of academic production, but also puts certified scholarly journals in the epicenter. Drawing from relevant literature and the fieldwork, which is made up of in-depth interviews with 16 editors and editors-in-chief coming from 6 journals in media and communication studies and 20 scholars in the field, this paper aims to develop a political-economic analysis of scholarly journals, so as to get a theoretically informed understanding of the structural determinants of the academic production and dissemination in contemporary China. The analysis concentrates on the legitimation, stratification and commercialization of scholarly publishing, in relation to state power, academic marketplace and the work-unit system. The study found, state-licensing and wok-unit system has formed the semi-closed scholarly publishing market. Based on this infrastructure, the reorientation of social sciences and the installation of quantitative academic evaluations have differentiated the monopolistic market, resulted in the polarization of scholarly journals, and also lead to some academic corruptions by taking advantage of the publication space as scarce resources.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The Horn of Africa was an important stage of superpower rivalry during the Cold War. It was also one of the key areas where two superpowers sought to cooperate in bringing an end to the Cold War by closing down regional conflicts. Finally, in the aftermath of the first Gulf War, Somalia provided the setting for the first experiment in expanded international peace-keeping. The American led a task force mandated by the Security Council with a chapter VII resolution. The experiment failed and the US appeared to have lost interest in Africa in general and in the Horn in particular. Since the event of September 2001, however, the US administration has been engaged in a strategy of quiet but continuous reengagement. This paper will explore both the immediate preoccupations with the war on terror and the way these have contributed to the process of reengagement, but also the continuities with the earlier period of American involvement in Ethiopia, Sudan and other Horn countries.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Despite the explosion of synthesizing theoretical work on social movements published in the past decade, most social movements scholars acknowledge that we still know little about the role of public opinion vis-�-vis social movement phenomena. We attempt to address this gap in the social movements literature by examining the structure of beliefs about environmental problems held by members of the general public with varying relationships to the environmental movement. In particular, we investigate three moderators of belief consistency found to be significant within the belief systems literature: political or psychic involvement, educational attainment, and issue salience or centrality. In doing so, we utilize the concept of social movement �orbits� (i.e., self-reported relationship to a social movement) measured in public opinion polls with a question asking respondents to identify themselves as �activists,� �sympathetics,� �neutrals,� and �opponents� with respect to a movement�the environmental movement in this particular case.

We argue that self-identified orbit provides a reasonable measure of relationship to the environmental movement, and verify this by documenting the correlation between the orbit measure and self-reported measures of pro-environmental behaviors and beliefs. Having verified self-reported �activism� as a valid measure of involvement with the environmental movement, we then draw upon the belief systems literature (applied to social movements by Carol Mueller and colleagues two decades ago but largely neglected by social movements scholars since then) to predict that self-identified environmental activists will have more consistent beliefs regarding environmental problems than those only sympathetic, neutral, or opposed to the environmental movement.

The belief systems literature also suggests that educational attainment is a moderator of belief consistency, and we predict that the highly educated will have more consistent beliefs regarding environmental problems than those with lesser education. Finally, the belief systems literature suggests that an increase in issue salience leads to increased consistency in the belief systems of the mass public. Thus, we predict that the general public will have more consistent beliefs regarding environmental problems during a time of heightened issue salience for environmental problems than during a time of greatly reduced issue salience for environmental problems.

We test our hypotheses utilizing data from the Gallup Organization�s �Earth Day Polls� conducted in April 2000, March 2001, and March 2002, each employing nationally representative samples of approximately 1000 U.S. adults. Our primary dependent variable (individual belief consistency) is a composite measure created from a multi-item question that measures the extent to which respondents worry about nine environmental problems. Our independent variables are self-identified relationship with the environmental movement (the �orbit� item), educational level, and year of survey. We utilize several items included only in the April 2000 Earth Day poll to provide empirical verification of the orbit item as a measure of relationship to the environmental movement. That is, we examine the degree of correlation between self-identified orbit and several self-reported measures of pro-environmental behaviors and beliefs.

In multiple regressions predicting levels of individual belief consistency, we test the effects of orbit, educational attainment, and year, while controlling for political ideology, income, residence, sex, and age. Our year variable serves as a rough measure of three different socio-political contexts, across which the salience of environmental problems is expected to vary: (1) April 2000 (the 30th anniversary of Earth Day); (2) March 2001 (the rise of the anti-environmental George W. Bush administration); (3) March 2002 (the repercussions of September 11th and the �war on terrorism� supposedly crowd out environmental issues from the national political agenda).

We find that our orbit item is moderately correlated with several indices of pro-environmental behaviors and beliefs, thus verifying its use as a reasonable proxy for personal involvement in the environmental movement. In all of our multiple regression models predicting environmental problem belief consistency, the effect of the orbit item is significant and in the predicted direction.

Indeed, it is regularly the most powerful predictor of environmental problem belief consistency in all our models. Our measure of educational attainment fails to have a significant effect on belief consistency in almost all models. Finally, the environmental problem belief consistency of the general public decreased only slightly between 2000 and 2002, and this change only barely achieves statistical significance in our models. That is, environmental problem belief consistency appears to be quite robust across a period of relatively high salience for environmental issues (April 2000) to one of relatively low salience for environmental issues (March 2002).

In sum, the orbit item is the most robust indicator of environmental problem belief consistency of all of the relevant variables we examine. Furthermore, purported shifts in the larger social context (at least as measured here) do not significantly influence the effect of the orbit item on belief consistency. While our examination is limited to orbits of opinion concerning the environmental movement in this study, we argue that other scholars may use the orbit measure with other social movements. Thus, future research on identification and involvement with social movements need not be limited to intensive studies of known-groups of activists (as were those of Mueller, et al.), but can employ large-scale samples of the general public to examine differences in movement-related beliefs and behaviors among various self-identified orbits of the public. Such a methodological strategy will not only offer a nice complement to the typical practice of examining members of social movement organizations, but also provides a more efficient means of examining the complex links between social movements and public opinion.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: We create polynomial differential equations for a suspension of the $H\backslash \text{'}\{e\}non$ map. By globalizing the local tangent vectors to suspended periodic orbits of the $H\backslash \text{'}\{e\}non$ map, we are able to find approximate autonomous differential equations for that geometric suspension. Using as few as two suspended periodic orbits, we are able to generate a robust three dimensional attractor whose $Poincar\backslash \text{'}\{e\}$ map has very nearly the dynamics of the original $H\backslash \text{'}\{e\}non$ map.