Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Homosexual and bisexual experiences are not uncommon in adolescence, and those who display homosexual or bisexual orientation are more likely to suffer mental health problems than other adolescents. Previous research has not examined, however, whether adolescent sexual orientation has any long-term consequences for mental health in young adulthood. Further, although quite a few people switch sexual orientations between the two life stages, little is known about how these individuals’ mental health changes. Hypotheses were developed from the life course literature and tested in the analysis of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health), which included four mental health measures—depressive symptoms, self-esteem, alcohol use, and drug use. The data showed that adolescent homosexual and bisexual orientation exerted little long-term damage to adulthood mental health if people switched to heterosexual orientation by young adulthood. Those who remained as homosexual or bisexual in young adulthood, however, experienced greater mental health deteriorations than those who switched to heterosexual orientation, particularly among females. Further, between people who were heterosexual in adolescence, those who switched to homosexual or bisexual orientation in young adulthood experienced greater deteriorations, especially among females. Possible explanations for the gender differences are proposed. The study also demonstrated a great degree of diversity in sociodemographic backgrounds and interpersonal experiences among people who took different developmental paths of sexual orientation, although those factors did not account much for the variations in mental health trajectories.

Publication Type: Paper (prepared oral presentation)
Abstract: Two studies were conducted to test the hypotheses that different Social Value Orientations affect political and social attitudes. It is expected that individualists and competitive (vs. cooperatives) would show a more right-wing (vs. left-wing) pattern of attitudes. In the first study, 223 University students completed a questionnaire with measures of political orientation, Right Wing Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation. The second study was aimed to replicate prior results in a larger non-student sample and extend them to voting behavior. Four hundreds and ninety-seven participants completed the same measures as in study one up to one week prior to the last European elections of 2004. In the week after the elections, participants were contacted again to record their voting behavior. On the whole, results of the two studies converged, pointing out that individualists and competitives are more (vs. less) right-wing, social dominant and authoritarian than cooperatives. Moreover, individualists and competitives (vs. cooperatives) are more likely to vote for a conservative party. Individualists and competitive do not differ from each other.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: In this paper, I argue that use of the term “sexual orientation” produces a limiting theoretical view of issues of identity and also itself serves as a mechanism for preserving heteronormative hegemony. The proposed concept of “relational orientation” encourages richer analysis of the factors that shape identity. In contrast with the traditional emphasis on sexual behavior which leads to a derogation of gays and lesbians, the relational orientation approach establishes a more wholistic representation of this community by recognizing that people’s partnering decisions emerge primarily from the desire for intimacy and life-affirming relationships. Furthermore, the model invites exploration of how one’s “orientation” profoundly shapes the dynamics of all social relationships. It is believed that, by promoting greater understanding and offering a more compelling discursive framework, relational orientation has the potential to lead to significant personal and societal transformation.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: In recent years scholarship noted a shift in budgetary influence from governors to legislatures in some states. Other scholars of state budgetary politics are beginning to notice that more and more executive budget offices and analysts are using policy analysis as a preferred method or budgetary orientation. This view holds that governors are utilizing the budget more and more as a policy instrument. Does gubernatorial influence translate into a policy orientation? I surveyed 200+ executive budget analysts and legislative fiscal analysts in order to obtain their view concerning gubernatorial influence and budgetary orientations. I found that both executive budget offices and legislative fiscal offices employ various budgetary orientations: control, management, planning, and policy. Executive budget analysts perceive that their office emphasizes control whereas legislative fiscal analysts perceive that their office emphasizes policy analysis. Additionally, gubernatorial influence does not translate into the use of policy analysis by executive budget analysts as one might expect. Other factors such as legislative practices, environmental influences, and analysts? backgrounds are better predictors of a policy orientation.
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Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Electoral Coalitions are common in certain countries, and Japan is of the countries in which play a prominent role in deciding which parties win elections and control governments. Using coalitional theory and previous work on electoral coalitions, I derive and text four hypotheses about electoral coalitions in recent Japanese elections. I find that consistent with theoretical expectations, electoral coalitions become more widespread and effective with the passage of time from a major upheaval in the political landscape that increases informational uncertainty. In addition, patterns of coalition formation follow numerical incentives with the most popular coalition partners being those parties that can transfer the largest numbers of votes to a prospective alliance partner. Contrary to my theoretically informed expectations, I found that informational uncertainty clouds calculations of partisan advantage, leading to the surprising result that less cooperation occurs the more competitive a district is, but this suboptimal cooperation harms coalition efforts only slightly. I also found that the strong personal vote in Japan overwhelms the minor impact that the number of parties has on voter turnout in party list races. These last two finding suggest two important factors that affect electoral coalitions but exert little influence on governing coalitions: heightened informational uncertainty and a greater impact of candidate-centered voting.