Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The American public is not inherently casualty averse. In fact, U.S. casualties do impact foreign policy via the public but in different ways according to the salience of the conflict (casualty totals/conflict nature). The following hypotheses may be used:

1. Battle-related deaths may be the single most important indicator of war costs but this measure is moderated by an assessment of salience as it relates to the value of the cost. Few other costs have any reality or tangibility with the public other than casualties. This represents a variable cost-tolerance relative to the perceived salience of the issue based on assessed national security impact. Differences will likely be identifiable between different groups within the mass public especially those most directly impacted by casualties.

2. The nature of the conflict largely defines the perception of threat. The larger the conflict and/or the nearer actual threat, the greater the salience (in conjunction with casualty rates).

3. Individual experiences will vary according to temporal and cognitive proximity. Temporal proximity matters, and because the rate of casualty accumulation changes, so will the impact of casualties on opinion.” (Gartner, Segura, & Wilkening, 1997) However, proximate war costs may accentuate cost analysis through information diffusion. (Krassa, 1990) This may derive from temporal or relational proximity (where and who). The greater the affinity the greater the strength of the response according to the unique set of experience, ideas, and relationships of each individual. Yet, some of these should be definable according to their demographics and psychographics. Opinion is a product of a social phenomenon and not merely a reflection of personal experiences alone. (Kinder & Kiewiet 1981; Gartner, et al. 1997) “Social context forms individual perspectives on politics and policy.” (Tolbert & Hero, 1996)

4. Foreign policy decisions often relate more to domestic issues than international ones when the public is activated. This should be seen in a more extreme response to the foreign policy related conflict questions than to the domestic questions.

5. The greater the number of casualties in relation to the overall numbers of troops and in an inverse relationship to the threat posed by the conflict type, the greater the negative reaction, i.e. withdraw versus buildup, on support for the conflict.

6. Presidential cues lead public opinion in foreign policy matters including response to casualties. (Almond, 1960; Mueller, 1973; Neustadt, 1980; Jentleson, 1992)

There may be arguments for other causes for policy changes during conflicts. However, the likelihood that such alternative contributing factors may exist does not completely mask the relevance of media and political actor roles given the likelihood that similar influences exist in most, if not all, combat situations. Even early research done by Verba (1967), suggested approval of an existing war may go either way given varying factors. The same degree of losses might lead to public cries for withdrawal or escalation depending on the context based on the salience which has not been studied. Current and past conflicts will be contrasted with relevant polling data to parse key differences.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: International rules are being internalized by different actors. Among these actors we find individuals. Even though the individual lacks a general capacity to claim against the States, this capacity has been developed within particular frameworks. On the other hand the individual can exert a concrete influence over the States, in the political sphere, in order to force them to comply with international rules. It could be said that the humanization of international law leads to the internalization of international rules by the individuals, which are, on their part, in condition to require the States, in the political field, to abide by International law.

The international rules are being internalized by domestic tribunals as well. The tribunals might play an important role in assuring that their States act in accordance with International rules. As the recent experience in United States demonstrates, the existence of international rules is not taken into consideration only by the Executive Powers; on the contrary the judicial as well as the legislative powers might require the State to comply fully with international rules.

Directly related to accountability is the operation of Treaty monitoring bodies. The openness of these bodies (Committees) to the non governmental organizations is being crucial with a view to improve the effectiveness of their supervision. And finally, am particularly interested in analyzing the role of NGOs with regard to the supervision of compliance with international law.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This paper studies the reception and the micro-politics of the Open Method of Co-Ordination (OMC) on social inclusion in Sweden. While this OMC has had limited direct influence on the policy contents of national reforms, this paper demonstrates that the OMC on social inclusion has had impact on the relationships between national Ministries and social NGOs, as well as the relationships between social NGOs. First, we analyze how the enactment of the OMC on social inclusion has contributed to new forms of institutionalized consultation and co-operation between Ministries and social NGOs. Second, we analyze how this OMC has contributed to new patterns of co-operation and/or conflict between social NGOs, institutionalized in networks or loose affiliations. The paper pays special attention to the tensions, conflicts, difficulties, passiveness or even resistance provoked by the OMC social inclusion on actor relationships. Hence, the paper contributes to the general knowledge about the tensions inherent in the OMC social inclusion as such, as well as to the specific understanding of what factors hamper a successful implementation of OMCs in the Swedish context.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: I present an epistemic critique of Rawls? deduction of the principles of justice. I argue that the fact that normative political theories are embedded in an evolving theoretical knowledge takes away the hope for deductivity.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: We examine whether victims of domestic violence and sexual assault are more dissatisfied with how their case is handled by the police than other victims of violent crime, and if so, why. We also examine their dissatisfaction with the courts. Analyzes of the National Violence Against Women Survey reveal that victims are more dissatisfied with the police when the offender is someone they know than when the offender is a stranger, regardless of gender and regardless of whether the offender is a family member or intimate partner. Victims who know the offender are more likely to complain that the police were too lenient and that the police did not believe them. Victims of sexual assault are more likely than victims of physical assault to be dissatisfied with the police and the courts. They complain more about police insensitivity, but this complaint disappears in the 1990s.