Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The impact of democracy as a state attribute on international cooperation in general and trade negotiation in particular has invoked great academic interest. The empirical findings have generally provided us a positive link between democracy and international cooperation. However, most research has focused on the cases of international cooperation among democracies. The relationship between domestic trade politics and multilateral cooperation between mixed types has been largely neglected. However, this issue area deserves more academic attention as part of our effort to promoting the international cooperation between the north and the south based on the fact that many developing countries are not mature democracies. Can we apply our current findings on domestic mobilization process among democracies to mixed dyad? In another word, what domestic factors are promoting (or impeding) the international economic cooperation between the mixed dyad? Furthermore, will the different domestic mobilization process (compared with democratic countries) in non-democracies make multilateral cooperation easier or more difficult? This research is aimed to shed some lights on this broad question. This paper is a comparative case study of the domestic trade politics of the U.S. and the PRC for China?s 15-year GATT/WTO accession negotiation and its effects on bilateral cooperation and multilateral bargaining. My research included one and half years of field research in China and the United States. I interviewed a large number of government officials, practitioners, and think tank scholars who were directly or indirectly involved in this prolonged bargaining and collected valuable first-hand information about the negotiation positions and strategies and their evolutions on both sides. By introducing the intervening variable ?regime type?, I would like to identify and explain the distinctive pattern of the interplay among domestic actors (executive and legislature branches, interest groups in the U.S. and ministerial officials and influential state-owned enterprises in China) in these two countries and predict the prospects of international cooperation (negotiation outcomes) between countries who do not share common democratic governance. This study shows that both institutions and ideologically filtered preferences of domestic actors? matter and together they shape the terms and timing of the international agreement reached. This work intends to challenge the existing literature on the relationship between regime type and international cooperation which argues that domestic actor?s preferences are totally irrelevant to the understanding and explanation of the international negotiations/cooperation between mixed dyad.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This study focuses on sentencing patterns in a set of capital punishment eligible cases in the state of North Carolina. Victim-offender relationship is of particular interest. A series of logistic regression models are compared to determine the predictors of jury-imposed punishments for cases involving intimate partners and cases involving non-intimate partners (family, acquaintances, and strangers), while controlling for a variety of others factors that influence that decision. The first model shows that the covariates that predict a death sentence are operating differently for intimate partner homicides compared to non-intimate partner homicides. To partial out the effects, another logistic regression model is estimated that includes the family, acquaintance, and stranger relationship as separate dummy variables and the intimate partner relationship as the reference category. Analysis reveals that intimate partners are not treated more leniently than other offenders; however, death sentencing among intimate partners is predicted by different factors than death sentencing for other victim-offender relationships. To further analyze these indicators four logistic regression models are compared to determine the covariates that predict a death sentence for each victim-offender relationship. Results show that the covariates operate differently for each victim-offender relationship.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Jean Chrétien came to power, in 1993, after a campaign during which he advocated that his foreign policy would be quite different from Brian Mulroney’s. Indeed, under Chrétien’s leadership, Canada’s role and influence declined sharply as tensions between Ottawa and Washington grew. When asked to support President Bush’s war against Iraq, Canada turned down the invitation although it had accepted to be involved in the solving of the Kosovo crisis. Why did the Chrétien government offer two different answers to these two international challenges? What role did the domestic values play in the framing of each of the answers given? What weight did international factors play? Was the government simply inconsistent or were the two answers reflecting a same logic that was applied to sharply different situations? Through the analysis of official responses given by key government spokespersons (Prime Minister, Minister of Defence, and Minister of Foreign Affairs) we will be able to determine what were the key factors evoked and establish if Canadian foreign policy is based on continuity or if it is crafted on an ad hoc basis to answer each case it faces. The answer this research provides will help us predict if Canada is a reliable partner or if its stance varies to answer domestic political pressures.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: An important question for developing countries is whether labor unions help or hinder economic development. What little has been written on the relationship between union behavior and economic development in South Asia a) fails to distinguish between unions affiliated to major parties (politically incorporated unions) and unincorporated unions and b) fails to grasp the importance of extreme and violent protest behavior for economic outcomes. This paper aims to overcome these deficits by examining how violent forms of protest affect economic development and by providing a political explanation of why some unions resort to militant protest behavior instead of relying on moderate levels of routine protest and institutionalized forms of grievance resolution to pursue their demands.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This paper examines normative expectations of parenting and cohabitation as they effect family violence. Drawing on theory and research by Hoschild (1997; 1989), Hays (1998), Doucet (2000), and LaRossa (1986), among others, measures of normative expectations of parenting and cohabitation (including marriage) with intimate partners were taken from over 500 college students enrolled in classes at two universities located in the southwestern region of the United States were collected on individual beliefs, self-perceptions, and activities surrounding parenting and cohabitation. Also measured were attitudes toward others’ parenting practices, both generally (as in expectations of what constitutes good parenting) and specifically (experience with a cohabiting intimate partner). The first phase of the analysis examines parenting and cohabitation expectations as they vary by gender, race/ethnicity, education, income, religion, number of children, and marital status. Preliminary findings indicate there are gendered effects on 1) the division of labor of household and childcare responsibilities; 2) the social construction of expectations of parenting 3) perceptions of self-sacrifice due to being in an intimate relationship; and 4) expectations of fathers. There are no gendered effects on perceptions of sacrifice due to cohabitation and childcare or expectations of mothering. The second phase examines the effects of expectations of cohabitation and parenting on family violence. Preliminary findings indicate these expectations are related to moderate and severe violence.

Doucet, A. (2000). Community, Work & Family 3(2)
Hays, S. (1998). The Cultural Contradictions of Motherhood
Hochschild, A. (1997). The Time Bind; (1989). The Second Shift
LaRossa, R. (1986). Becoming a Parent.