Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The decision to revise Russia’s parliamentary electoral system represents an interesting paradox. The assertion that adopting a more proportional electoral system, especially in an ethnically heterogeneous state, would favor authoritarianism over democracy is counterintuitive for many electoral system scholars. Yet most experts on Russian politics would react to the rival explanation—that President Putin is seeking to advance democracy in Russia—with disbelief. This paper examines the alteration in the context of Putin’s broader reform agenda. Based on the Russian case, it argues that political reforms usually considered beneficial to democracy can be used to undermine political competition and promote single-party dominance, at least in the short-term. Therefore, the events in Putin’s Russia have important implications for understanding the political futures of many countries caught in the proverbial “gray zone”.

Supporting Publications:
Supporting Document

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: This paper will provide an analysis of episodes from a classroom design experiment aimed at supporting middle-school students’ understanding of proportional relations. Central to our approach was (1) the role of the teacher in orchestrating deliberately facilitated whole-class discussions and (2) the use of graphical tools. Our interests in proportional reasoning were motivated by the prominence of phenomena that are commonly organized into ratios in science and social studies, highlighting the importance of proportional reasoning in middle-school mathematics. This proposed paper will provide a detailed analysis of the teacher’s role in orchestrating whole-class conversations and the pivotal role the representations played in supporting students’ ability to reason proportionally in the course of those conversations.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Abstract

Electoral system change is a rare occurrence in established democracies, but when it does happen scholars must be ready to take advantage of the opportunity. New Zealand presents one of these interesting opportunities. Long considered the classic example of a British, Westminster-type majoritarian democracy, New Zealand changed its electoral system to a more proportional mixed-member system in 1996. Previous research has suggested that voters in proportional systems are happier, more satisfied, better represented, and connected with their government than under majoritarian systems. Using data from New Zealand before and after the electoral system change, I test whether this is the case. Following previous logic, voters should feel more connected with their government after this change. My study focuses on third party voters, who were previously underrepresented in New Zealand under majoritarian governments. I use external political efficacy to measure whether voters are more connected with their government. Results from the study are surprising. The relationship between voting for a third party and political remains negative even after the electoral system change. Reasons for this relationship are discussed in the study.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: While previous research using cross-national studies has concluded that closed list electoral systems are more favorable to women than those that allow candidates’ individual vote totals to determine who wins legislative seats, an analysis of approximately 1700 districts from Brazil’s 2000 municipal elections shows conclusively that female candidates can compete successfully within PR systems using open lists provided that they can get on the ballot. The electoral studies literature mostly has emphasized four means by which democratic societies can make their electoral systems more favorable to the election of women: adopting PR rather than single member district electoral systems, increasing the number of seats per district, implementing gender-based quotas for party nominations, and—in the case of systems that already have gender quota legislation—strengthening the enforcement of nomination quotas. The present study uncovers two additional mechanisms that increase female candidacy rates: the presence of additional political parties and raising the number of candidates nominated per party. Controlling for district-level variations in socioeconomic development, the electoral strength of Brazil’s dominant leftist party, district magnitude, and party magnitude, OLS regression models indicate that that an increase in either the number of parties contesting an election or in the number of candidates nominated by each party in a district leads to improved ballot access for women even in settings where gender quotas are not being rigorously met. Boosting the overall number of parties, however, is ultimately less beneficial to women than raising the number of candidacies per party (and requiring that the parties actually fill their nominations). While both circumstances lead to higher female candidacy rates, increases in the number of parties tend to result in only the strongest candidates from each party being elected, a situation that generally works against the ability of women candidates to win seats in systems that use OLPR.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The principle of proportionality is commonly used in constitutional and administrative law as a legal tool to define the boundaries of public authorities' actions. Over the past two decades, the same principle has gradually achieved prominence in Israel in the sphere of labour and employment law as well. Often this is not explicit, but the paper will show how in practice the proportionality tests are being applied in various labour and employment contexts, in the "private" sphere as well. It will be argued that this development is welcomed and justified; the use of the proportionality tests should continue, albeit in a more explicit and structured way. At the same time, the paper will trace the limits of this legal tool when used in the context of employment relations.