Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Researchers have spilt much ink over the search for the proper definition of terrorism—thankfully, more ink than blood—resulting in a host of different definitions. Are these different definitions distinctions without differences? Or, are they describing different phenomenon? If the former, we can logically forgo the search for the perfect definition of terrorism and logically unify the extant research. If the latter, we must be careful in our reviews of the literature in our research and only rely on findings from those who study the same phenomena.

The heart of the question concerns commensurability of definitions in the terrorism literature. To determine the comparability of definitions of terrorism in the literature, this study uses the 3535 deaths due to the Troubles in Northern Ireland between 1969 and 2002, one statistical model, and four definitions of terrorism. If the definitions are commensurate, the model should produce similar results when using the different definitions. However, since the results are not similar, the definitions are not commensurate. This implies that research based around one definition cannot logically utilize the findings of research based on other, non-commensurate definitions of terrorism.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Are the two houses in a bicameral legislature really different? I probe this question in two ways, using the database of all government bills in postwar Japan. First, do the two houses coincide? Yes. Why? Different committees, different chairs, and different majorities cause different deliberation of bills in both houses, though fewer bills have any of these three conditions. Second, which house is more active and why is it? Those bills submitted to the House of Representatives are more active than others because they are more important and more opposition parties are against them. The house to deliberate first is more active than the other because it has ample time for consideration.
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Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The concept of “media bias” has generally been met with disdain and viewed as an evil that can influence public opinion, specifically against one’s preexisting beliefs. While this fear is valid at face value, the extent to which people respond to media biases is unclear. In an experimental analysis, candidate evaluations are explored, as a product of media content (biased and unbiased), partisanship and a link between partisanship and media content. The results show strong information processing biases exist when the interactive effects of partisanship and media content and examined. When media content blatantly favors one side at the expense of the other, partisans respond with the highest levels of support, in comparison to neutral media content, for their candidate. This results is strongest for Republicans, where favorable Democratic coverage and unfavorable republican coverage produces the highest levels of support for the republican candidate. In light of these findings, media biases in general might not have the anticipated effect on public opinion that common wisdom assumes.

Publication Type: Proceeding
Abstract: Improving performance has been the most serious issue in the current discussion of public organizations and their management. The last two decades have witnessed the emergence “performance-oriented management” (POM) practices as a primary vehicle for improving governmental performance. POM can be broadly defined as management strategies that apply rational management tools and/or use of incentives as the main drivers for enhancing performance. Despite the significance of POM in the practice of public management, however, few systematic efforts have been made to investigate the effectiveness of POM as a management strategy for enhancing governmental performance. The importance of this study is that it fills the void by drawing on data from a large-scale federal survey to test whether POM actually ensures the results envisioned by its advocates. The results of the analyses show that both of the core elements of POM—goal setting and incentive system design—are important factors that affect performance dimensions such as productivity and quality of work, providing support for the idea that POM can be a performance driver in governmental settings. In an effort to further the understanding of POM, this study also examines whether the impact of POM on organizational performance is conditioned by the presence of intensive external political influences. POM skeptics often point to the political environment as a primary challenge for successful implementation of POM in governmental settings. Here, subgroup analysis results are mixed. Goal setting is less effective in improving organizational performance in federal agencies with high political salience than in federal agencies with low political salience. The effect of design of incentive systems is not significantly different across the groups. Finally, implications of the research findings are discussed in relation to the issue of administrative reform and the research on governmental performance.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Social scientists have conceptualized market exchange relationships as governed by market calculus, socially embedded ties of trust and obligation, and legal ties of contract. We conceptualize and then measure these orientations to exchange relationships. We focus on the relationships of market exchange for a sample of Australian organizations with their largest supplier and customer. We find that market, socially embedded, and contract governance of exchange are widespread in the Australian economy. Consistent with the socially embedded perspective in sociology, we find that market calculus expectations are actually enhanced when the exchange relationship is socially embedded. The use of contracts is not strongly related to either market or social governance mechanisms. We also estimate statistical models predicting variation in market, social and legal governance mechanisms derived from neoclassical, social embeddedness, transaction cost, and flexible specialization theories. All of these theories, with the exception of flexible specialization, receive considerable support in these models.