Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: West and Zimmerman (1987) argue that gender is something that is accomplished and actively produced. In this paper we examine the extent to which female elected representatives choose to highlight their status as women and use gendered imagery and references to promote their own interests and political goals. We find that female members of the 110th House of Representatives strategically use their gender status when constructing their autobiographies on their congressional web pages. We examine six areas in the autobiography where gender is selectively used by female members: discussions of their familial attachments, their commitment to other possible status groups (e.g. race/ethnicity), their affiliation with the women’s caucus, widows who succeeded their husbands, their adherence to feminist policies, and their status as trailblazers in the political sphere. Using qualitative content analysis, we find that gendered references in these areas of the autobiography vary based on the seniority, age, and party affiliation of the female members.

Publication Type: Proceeding

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: In a theory of descriptive representation, the composition of the representative body more closely reflects the sociodemographics and experiences of the citizenry. Proponents of this type of representation assert that those elected officials who share similar demographic and experiential characteristics of their constituencies carry with them the sufficient empathy to evaluate and construct representative policy, e.g. women are more likely and are better able to construct policy that benefits women. A fundamental premise of the pro-descriptive representation argument is that parliamentarians will process political information, i.e. think, in accordance with their demographic and experiential characteristics. Analyzing the attitudes underlying the action of representatives such as building descriptive representation policy and other legislative initiatives beneficial to disadvantaged groups is a foundation for understanding whether descriptive representatives are more likely to think and act as expected. I use data of parliamentarians in the Polish Sejm, the Polish Parliamentarian WebSurvey 2005, to qualitatively and quantitatively analyze the attitudes of women, farmers, lower class, young, and old parliamentarians toward descriptive representation for gender, social class, and generations. I find that (a) parliamentarians from a disadvantaged background are more likely to support descriptive representation as an abstract ideal but that demographics are not as important in support for voluntary party gender quotas and (b) party ideology plays a significant role in attitudes toward descriptive representation in theory and praxis. Theoretical considerations and directions for future research conclude the paper.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Much research on mandated representation for women, or quotas, focuses on correlating quotas and policy effectiveness, and implementation of woman politicians. However, there is little conclusive evidence that women representatives, elected through govern

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: I examine the electoral and institutional obstacles faced by third parties in the late nineteenth-century U.S. House of Representatives. I argue that an explanation for the demise of third parties during in this era requires an examination of the partisan application of majoritarian institutional mechanisms that limited the electoral connection between third-party members of Congress (MCs) and their constituency. Populist Party and People's Party candidates were elected on platforms that offered an alternative to the policies of the Democratic Party and the Republican Party. An analysis of committee appointments and member activity indicates that Populists were at both a numerical and procedural disadvantage. In addition, a sample of attempts to gain access to the House floor during debates on major legislation and rules changes suggests that Populists were significantly less likely to prevail than their political opponents. I argue that the inability of Populists to produce legislative victories, influence legislative debate, promote their legislative platform, or advertise to their constituency made it exceptionally difficult for the Populist Party to defend seats and advertise its party label. More broadly, I place third parties within the context of the institutional development of Congress and I suggest several avenues for further research.