Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Arguably, instead of witnessing a discernible divide between 'North' and 'South' in the post-Cold War era, in which issues evident in one of these regions is not readily apparent in the other, we are wrestling with a more complicated conundrum. However, before this fact is highlighted and deconstructed, it is critical to recognise the obvious fact that the terms 'North' and 'South', like their antecedents ('East' and 'West'), are mere constructions. What makes the careless usage of 'North' and 'South' rather problematic is the fact that it is all-encompassing, often does not account for peculiarities, idiosyncrasies and similarities within and between the two blocs, and wittingly or unwittingly assumes that one can neatly and precisely attribute certain features to the North and South respectively. This untoward exercise is akin to Said's (1979) still prescient caution concerning Orientalism, i.e. the ascription of positive values to the North and negative characteristics to the South. In actual fact, the reality on the ground is far more complex, with so-called Southern traits evident in the North and vice versa. A far more useful typology would be one that grapples with the manner in which manifestations of globalisation, such as migration and the presence of 'Southern' diasporas in the most unlikely 'Northern' countries, porous borders (particularly in areas where 'poor' countries are next door to 'rich' ones), and cultural homogenisation amidst unyielding 'local traditions', among others, have rendered previously-held views somewhat shallow, and make the putative 'clash of civilisations' perhaps a figment of the imagination of certain scholars and 'Northern' politicians on the one hand, and a potentially-potent ideology that could be employed and politicised to justify destabilising policies. Owing to the foregoing, the aim of this paper is to grapple with the utilisation of 'North' and 'South' in academic and popular discourses, reveal how the reputed distinction between the two represents a new kind of Orientalism and concomitantly highlight the complex relationships between and within nations.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: In the "Minimum game" players choose a level of contribution -- simultaneously, without communication, but with 10 rounds of choice -- where the higher the minimum choice in a group the better the payoff to anyone matching the minimum. But anyone whose choice turns out to be higher than the minimum gets less. There is no free-rider temptation in this game. If communication were allowed everyone would agree to contribute the maximum, since this maximizes payoffs for each chooser as well as for everyone else. But without communication (and sometimes even with it) the robust result is that after a few rounds coordination sinks to the worse payoff.

In the extensive discussion of this game, the result has always been treated as a rational response to strategic uncertainty. But attention to details of the many results argues strongly against that. I propose an entirely different account, turning on a cognitive illusion that diverts many players from a rational response, which in turn forces even those not caught by the illusion to go along.

I suggest some real-world analogs.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: In this study, I focus on the Moroccan women’s movement case to reform the Moudawana or Islamic Family Law. I draw from the political opportunity and social movement literature to analyze the discursive means by which Conservatives and Islamists organized opposition to the feminist activists’ reform efforts on the basis of Islamic patriarchy. These discourses had considerable social institutional strength and cultural resonance in the Moroccan public. I demonstrate how Moroccan women’s rights’ activists neutralized the seemingly fixed religious opposition to law reform and re-appropriated religious discourses, shaping an opportunity for the movement. This process of breaking through constraints in the political opportunity structure, I suggest denotes the permeability of constraints. I elaborate the theory of permeable constraints highlighting (a) the ways that Moroccan women’s rights activists strategically re-interpreted the political opportunity structure and (b) how activists transcended religious barriers opposing Islamic law reform. The analysis finds that Moroccan activists’ interpretation of religious constraints as potentially permeable led them to strategize both within religious and secular frameworks, drawing from religious principles of re-interpretation through ijtihad, and international human rights principles. The activists’ analysis of obstacles as permeable resulted in opportunities for shifting the discourse and the tide of Moudawana reform.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: A study finding that a potential voter receiving contact from a party or a candidate is more likely to vote is nothing new. However, this paper suggests that the relationship between these two variables is more complex than that. The effect of political contact on turnout is moderated by an individual's degree of politicization, which can be described as a higher-order latent construct comprised of socioeconomic status, political engagement, social connectedness, and political efficacy. As expected, mobilization does little for those who are scarcely politicized; their characteristics make them prime candidates for abstention. Likewise, its effects are negligible for highly politicized individuals; they are going to vote anyway, political contact or not. Its greatest effect is on the moderately politicized. It is with these individuals that parties, candidates, and other groups get the greatest bang for their organizational buck. The practical implications--as well as the difficulties--of applying these findings in real campaigns is discussed.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: It is well established in the literature that younger voters (age 18-24) turn out in far fewer numbers than their older counterparts. Some scholars have attributed this fact to theories of life transitions and/or barriers to registration. In this paper, we examine these arguments focusing on the failure of political socialization as the primary culprit. Many hoped that initiatives such as "Rock the Vote" would jump start the socialization process and bring young voters back to the polls. Unfortunately, despite a single election rise in young adult voting in 1992, voting among 18-24 year olds continues to decline.