Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The paper will present results of a research on the substantive representation of women in the Belgian Lower House during the 20th century. The aim of this research consists in learning more about the practice of substantive representation of a social group. The underlying hypotheses is that a 'higher' level of descriptive political representation results in a 'higher' level of substantive representation. More particularly, the research deals with the impact of women's suffrage and of female MPs on the substantive representation of women. Although the empirical part of this investigation is of an historical nature and focuses on women, it relates to broader contemporary debates on the political inclusion of social groups such as immigrants. The research deals with the assumption, often present in societal as well as in political debates, that franchise, on the one hand, and MPs sharing the 'identity' of those whom they represent, on the other hand, have a positive impact on the extent to which social groups are represented. This research is embedded in a tradition of both theoretical investigation and empirical research on the link between 'standing for' and 'acting for'.
The first aim of the paper is to provide for an introductory picture of the political representation of women's interests during a politically important parliamentary debate: the budget debates. The substantive representation of women, i.e. the act of taking care of women's needs and interests, is defined through three criteria: 1) a situation that is bad for or unjust to women is discussed; 2) a suggestion to improve the situation of women is formulated; or 3) a right for women is claimed. Notwithstanding the paper's final focus, firstly the evolution of the defence of women's interests will be described and, secondly, we will verify whether changes are due to the direct impact of female MPs or coincide with the appearance of female voters. The three time periods researched are: 1) 1900 - 1929: a homogeneous male parliament; 2) 1930 - 1948: a few women in parliament but no female electorate; 3) 1949 - 1980: a growing number of female parliamentarians (significant increase from 1974 on) and a female electorate. In each time period the points of interest are: 1) which women receive political attention; 2) which topics are dealt with; and 3) what is the aim of the intervention (to merely improve the situation of women or to establish equality between men and women). Subsequently the question will be: do the right to vote and descriptive representatives result in a 'better' or 'higher level of' substantive representation? An increased diversity of groups of women receiving political attention, of women's interests addressed and of feminist projects tackled could be seen as an indicator for a more elaborated form of substantive representation of women.

Publication Type: Proceeding
Abstract: Constitutional and institutional restructuring in the UK in the 1990s resulted in the creation of new parliamentary spaces, structures of governance and party dynamics. Another outcome has been an historic shift in the gendered distribution of political power with high proportions of women elected to the Scottish Parliament and the National Assembly for Wales. Issues of gender are often neglected in accounts of political change and constitution-building, however, women activists and feminist ideas were important elements in the shaping of constitutional reform within the UK. In addition to the achievement of high levels of descriptive representation for women as members of parliament (MSPs) and government ministers, activists also succeeding in building gender concerns into the fabric of the new parliamentary and governmental blueprints and structures. This paper focuses on the Scottish case and draws upon research undertaken as part of the UK Devolution and Constitutional Change Programme (Economic and Social Research Council) to examine the impact of devolution – including the substantial presence of female office-holders – on women’s substantive representation and citizenship.

The paper examines the institutional performance of the first Scottish Parliament and Executive (1999-2003) and policy developments in a single field, domestic abuse, using the framework criteria of recognition, representation, accountability and outcomes. It is contended that high levels of descriptive representation and the new constitutional arrangements and institutional designs in Scotland are mutually reinforcing and have resulted in some gains in the substantive representation of women. However such representation is complex and contingent upon issue and political context. It argues that the complexity and contingency of representation in post devolution Scotland requires ‘thick conceptions’ of substantive representation comprising a whole-system approach rather than a narrow focus on whether or not women representatives ‘act for’ women.

Domestic abuse policy developments provide evidence of clear and tangible gains for women across all our dimensions of evaluation. In this policy area, at least, we can argue that the conditions for citizenship have been enhanced through ‘thick’ substantive representation: by female MSPs and ministers; by regendered political institutions as a whole; through institutionalised mechanisms and channels; and via the enhanced access and voice of organised women; by the representation of domestic abuse as misrecognition and maldistribution which blights women’s lives and undermines their opportunity and capacity to participate on a par with men; and by new accountability structures and relationships that counter legacies of institutional gender bias and capture. However, opportunities for women – and men - to ‘act for’ women are constrained, sometimes dramatically, by partisan politics, institutional and political considerations and the prevailing norms of ‘traditional’ political culture. In general, the substantive representation of women is constrained, sometimes confounded, by myriad political, institutional, organisational and discursive constraints.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Globalization has increased corporate profits and exacerbated inequalities such as class, sexism, and racism the world over. In the peripheries and core communities, working class women and men and people of color have borne the brunt of this global restructuring. These increased burdens, together with the refusal of international agencies to deal with such issues, call for asustainable, equitable, and transnational feminist praxis that critiques the militarized neoliberal vision of capitalism and puts forward a vision that encompasses solidarities towards substantive democracy. This paper engages the following questions in the process of sketching an alternative vision to militarized neoliberalism: (1) what kinds of community/ies do we envision? (2) what kinds of methods/pedagogies/knowledges are necessary for forging such a vision? (3) what kinds of interventions are people in the margins making and what kinds of political bonds are they fashioning as they push to democratize their communities? (4) What are the implications of such practices on policy making?

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Studies of language and the law in the last several years have revealed linguistic practices that can unfairly bias sexual assault verdicts agains the alleged victim. For example, jurors tend to perceive women at rape trials as using a "powerless" form of speech, whether the women in fact are doing so or not. But such speech is interpreted as less credible simply because of linguistic style. Defense counsel also subtly appeal to gendered story themes from the broader culture to undermine witness credibility. A variety of reforms have been proposed, including expert witnesses to aid jurors in recognizing their biases, special jury instructions, "translators" to render questioning techniques less misleading, and uninterrupted victim narratives. These proposed reforms have made little headway in the courts or legislatures. This talk proposes that one important factor in this resistance to change is a judicial and legislative fear and misunderstanding of the nature of unconscious mental processes, for all these language biases take place at the level of the unconscious. The talk will explore the sources of this legal confusion about the unconscious and the ways that the confusion manifests itself in substantive criminal law and the law of evidence, especially in rape cases. The talk will conclude with recommendations on how social scientists can help legal decisionmakers to improve their attitude toward the unconscious, thus enhancing the prospects of future reform.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Political scientists have long examined the nature of representation, paying particular attention to the dynamics of descriptive and substantive representation in racial and ethnic communities. In this paper we investigate whether or not the personal attributes of Latino members of Congress officials have an impact on their propensity to provide substantive representation for their constituencies. We use an original data set to investigate the influence of three important determinants of vote behavior in Congress: party affiliation, constituency preferences and personal attributes. Our findings show that after control for party and constituent preferences, descriptive attributes do matter to Latino voting in Congress.